Functional neuroimaging studies in neurotypical subjects correlate sentence comprehension to a left fronto-temporo-parietal network. Recent voxel-based lesion-symptom mapping (VLSM) studies of aphasia confirm the link between sentence comprehension and a left posterior region including the angular gyrus, the supra-marginal gyrus and the postero-superior division of the temporal lobe but support left pre-frontal involvement inconsistently. However, these studies focus on thematic role assignment without considering morphosyntactic processes. Hence, available VLSM evidence could provide a partial view of the neurofunctional substrate of sentence comprehension. In the present VLSM study, both morphosyntactic and thematic processes were evaluated systematically and in the same sentence types in each participant, to provide a more detailed picture of the sentence comprehension network. Participants (33 patients with post-stroke aphasia and 90 healthy controls) completed a sentence-picture matching task in which active and passive, declarative reversible sentences were paired with morphosyntactic, thematic and lexical-semantic alternatives. Phonological short-term memory tasks were also administered. Aphasic participants were selected from an initial pool of 70 because they scored below norm on thematic foils (n = 18) or on thematic and morphological foils (n = 15), but within the norm on lexical-semantic foils. The neurofunctional correlates of morphosyntactic and thematic processes were starkly distinguishable. Pre-frontal areas including the inferior and middle frontal gyrus were involved directly in processing local morphosyntactic features and only indirectly in thematic processes. When these areas were damaged, morphosyntactic errors always co-occurred with thematic errors, probably because morphosyntactic damage disrupts the assignment of grammatical roles and ultimately that of thematic roles. Morphosyntactic errors were not influenced by word order canonicity. In contrast, selective thematic role reversals were linked to temporal and parietal damage and were significantly influenced by word order, occurring on passive more than on active sentences. An area including the angular and supra-marginal gyrus was critical for processing non-canonical word order. In sentence comprehension, pre-frontal regions are critical for processing local morphosyntactic features (at least in simple declarative sentences). Temporal and parietal regions are critical for thematic processes. Postero-superior temporal areas are involved in retrieving verb argument structure. Parietal areas are critical for assigning morphosyntactically analysed constituents to the appropriate thematic role, thus serving a crucial function in thematic re-analysis. Each area plays a prevailing but not exclusive role in these processes, interacting with other areas in the network and possibly providing both the language-specific and the domain-general resources needed at various stages of sentence comprehension.Beber et al. investigate the neurofunctional correlates of sentence comprehension in individuals with aphasia. Results link pre-frontal regions to local morphosyntactic processes (e.g. noun-verb agreement) and temporo-parietal regions to establishing who does what to whom, with parietal regions being critical for processing sentences with non-canonical word order (e.g. passives).

Beber, S., Capasso, R., Maffei, C., Tettamanti, M., Miceli, G. (2025). Distinct neural correlates of morphosyntactic and thematic comprehension processes in aphasia. BRAIN COMMUNICATIONS, 7(2) [10.1093/braincomms/fcaf093].

Distinct neural correlates of morphosyntactic and thematic comprehension processes in aphasia

Tettamanti M.;
2025

Abstract

Functional neuroimaging studies in neurotypical subjects correlate sentence comprehension to a left fronto-temporo-parietal network. Recent voxel-based lesion-symptom mapping (VLSM) studies of aphasia confirm the link between sentence comprehension and a left posterior region including the angular gyrus, the supra-marginal gyrus and the postero-superior division of the temporal lobe but support left pre-frontal involvement inconsistently. However, these studies focus on thematic role assignment without considering morphosyntactic processes. Hence, available VLSM evidence could provide a partial view of the neurofunctional substrate of sentence comprehension. In the present VLSM study, both morphosyntactic and thematic processes were evaluated systematically and in the same sentence types in each participant, to provide a more detailed picture of the sentence comprehension network. Participants (33 patients with post-stroke aphasia and 90 healthy controls) completed a sentence-picture matching task in which active and passive, declarative reversible sentences were paired with morphosyntactic, thematic and lexical-semantic alternatives. Phonological short-term memory tasks were also administered. Aphasic participants were selected from an initial pool of 70 because they scored below norm on thematic foils (n = 18) or on thematic and morphological foils (n = 15), but within the norm on lexical-semantic foils. The neurofunctional correlates of morphosyntactic and thematic processes were starkly distinguishable. Pre-frontal areas including the inferior and middle frontal gyrus were involved directly in processing local morphosyntactic features and only indirectly in thematic processes. When these areas were damaged, morphosyntactic errors always co-occurred with thematic errors, probably because morphosyntactic damage disrupts the assignment of grammatical roles and ultimately that of thematic roles. Morphosyntactic errors were not influenced by word order canonicity. In contrast, selective thematic role reversals were linked to temporal and parietal damage and were significantly influenced by word order, occurring on passive more than on active sentences. An area including the angular and supra-marginal gyrus was critical for processing non-canonical word order. In sentence comprehension, pre-frontal regions are critical for processing local morphosyntactic features (at least in simple declarative sentences). Temporal and parietal regions are critical for thematic processes. Postero-superior temporal areas are involved in retrieving verb argument structure. Parietal areas are critical for assigning morphosyntactically analysed constituents to the appropriate thematic role, thus serving a crucial function in thematic re-analysis. Each area plays a prevailing but not exclusive role in these processes, interacting with other areas in the network and possibly providing both the language-specific and the domain-general resources needed at various stages of sentence comprehension.Beber et al. investigate the neurofunctional correlates of sentence comprehension in individuals with aphasia. Results link pre-frontal regions to local morphosyntactic processes (e.g. noun-verb agreement) and temporo-parietal regions to establishing who does what to whom, with parietal regions being critical for processing sentences with non-canonical word order (e.g. passives).
Articolo in rivista - Articolo scientifico
lesion-symptom mapping; morphosyntactic processing; sentence comprehension; thematic re-analysis; thematic role assignment;
English
24-mar-2025
2025
7
2
fcaf093
open
Beber, S., Capasso, R., Maffei, C., Tettamanti, M., Miceli, G. (2025). Distinct neural correlates of morphosyntactic and thematic comprehension processes in aphasia. BRAIN COMMUNICATIONS, 7(2) [10.1093/braincomms/fcaf093].
File in questo prodotto:
File Dimensione Formato  
Beber-2025-Brain Communications-VoR.pdf

accesso aperto

Descrizione: This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)
Tipologia di allegato: Publisher’s Version (Version of Record, VoR)
Licenza: Creative Commons
Dimensione 1.33 MB
Formato Adobe PDF
1.33 MB Adobe PDF Visualizza/Apri

I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.

Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/10281/550632
Citazioni
  • Scopus 2
  • ???jsp.display-item.citation.isi??? 2
Social impact