The unsuccessful homecoming from the Central Mediterranean route has marked a pivotal point in the life of thousands of people in the last 10 years. According to this event, the lives of individuals and their family network have reorganized their trajectories, hopes, and daily choices. Analysing this phenomenon from the angle of the department of Velingara (Senegal), return appears as a process that unfolds over time. Terms as "reintegration" or "reinsertion" often hide a fundamental consideration: the travellers of the backway (locally also called laawol ley) keep on being an integral part of the local context through different forms of communication, money transfer and the collective effort to mystically and financially sustain their journey. Amongst the Fulɓe Fulakunda, coming back is about dealing with a change in one’s social position, reactivating necessary social connections, rebuilding both personal or professional relationships, keeping an expected attitude of hersa. Return is lived through inherited cultural perspectives: the set of moral values and rules of conduct of the ancient noble class (ndimaaku); the necessary fatigue (tampere) of the social life (wondagol) and the desire to free oneself from it (heɓtaare); the Islamic religious norms and mystical threatens (bau) trigged by the envy and the desire to lower the level of the social competition; the perception of a "delay" in their life trajectory also caused by the material signs of the success of the others (houses, vehicles, new clothes, etc...). Return migrants’ retrospectives offer us an image of the backway as a world where the most basic rules of social life fail, leaving room for exhausting physical and psychological endurance. As a period of constant anxiety, alertness and fear, the backway remains as a habitus and a way of being in the world which goes beyond the temporal boundaries of the adventure. Narrating is primarily a moral laboratory through which the subject makes sense of an intense and hard experience, as the laawol ley is. Unsuccessful return migrants are stuck in between. Their travel was not just about a modern rite of passage to adulthood, it was a way to claim their right to full membership in the global society. And they still maintain the same claim now that they are back. For most of the unsuccessful return migrants, having travelled the backway means having seen and experienced the world outside, knowing something more, having had the chance to observe reality from another perspective. The laawol ley is described as “a school of life” that have taught them how to measure up to the world. Return migrants often face the same social, economic and moral conditions that led them to depart. Their reintegration happens within the perimeter of the local society of getting by where the possibility of being funded represents a rare chance. Nevertheless, the “elsewhere” keeps on being part of an ideal future that foresees the possibility of still reaching Europe as a rich trader or a tourist. Freedom of movement remains the benchmark to evaluate individual success. From an emic perspective, the greatest capital that both adventurers and empty-handed return migrants can count on is God's will and one's luck, as cultural tools to face the local effect of a global contemporaneity which distributes the meaning and the promises of happiness to all while keeping on limiting the material possibilities to do so.
I ritorni fallimentari dalla Rotta Centrale del Mediterraneo ha segnato un punto cruciale nella vita di migliaia di persone in Africa negli ultimi 10 anni. Attorno a questo evento, le vite delle persone e della loro rete familiare hanno riorganizzato le loro traiettorie, speranze e scelte quotidiane. Analizzando questo fenomeno dal punto di vista del dipartimento di Velingara (Senegal), il ritorno appare come un processo che si dipana nel tempo. Termini come "reinserzione” nascondono spesso una considerazione fondamentale: i viaggiatori delle rotte migratorie via terra (localmente denominate laawol ley) continuano a essere parte integrante del contesto locale attraverso diverse forme di comunicazione, trasferimento di denaro e lo sforzo collettivo per sostenere misticamente e finanziariamente il loro viaggio. Tra i Fulɓe Fulakunda, ritornare senza aver raggiunto ciò che ci si era prefissati al momento della partenza significa affrontare un cambiamento della propria posizione sociale, riattivare le necessarie connessioni sociali, ricostruire relazioni sia personali che professionali, mantenere un prevedibile atteggiamento di pudore/vergogna (hersa). Il ritorno è vissuto attraverso prospettive culturali: l'insieme dei valori morali e delle regole di condotta dell'antica classe nobile (ndimaaku); la necessaria fatica (tampere) della vita sociale (wondagol) e il desiderio di liberarsene (heɓtaare); le norme religiose islamiche e le minacce mistiche (bau) innescate dall'invidia e dal desiderio di abbassare il livello della competizione sociale; la percezione di un "ritardo" nella loro traiettoria di vita causato anche dai segni materiali del successo degli altri (case, veicoli, vestiti nuovi, ecc...). Le retrospettive dei migranti di ritorno ci offrono un'immagine della Rotta Centrale Mediterranea come un mondo in cui vengono meno le regole più elementari della vita sociale, lasciando spazio a un'estenuante resistenza fisica e psicologica. In quanto periodo di costante ansia, vigilanza e paura, la laawol ley rimane un habitus e un modo di essere nel mondo che va oltre i confini temporali dell'avventura. La narrazione dell’esperienza viene così vissuto dai soggetti come un laboratorio morale attraverso il quale il soggetto dà il senso di un'esperienza intensa e traumatica. Il viaggio non riguarda solo un moderno rito di passaggio all'età adulta, ma un modo per rivendicare il loro diritto alla piena appartenenza alla società globale. Questa rivendicazione continua ad essere sostenuta anche dopo il loro ritorno in forme diverse. Per la maggior parte dei migranti di ritorno senza successo, aver percorso la laawol ley significa aver visto e vissuto il mondo esterno, conoscere qualcosa in più, aver avuto la possibilità di osservare la realtà locale da un'altra prospettiva. La laawol ley è, inoltre, descritta come "una scuola di vita" che ha insegnato loro come essere all'altezza del mondo contemporaneo. I migranti di ritorno spesso si trovano ad affrontare le stesse condizioni sociali, economiche e morali che li hanno portati a partire. Il loro reinserimento avviene all'interno del perimetro della società locale in cui avere la possibilità di ricevere dei finanziamenti per aprire una propria attività rappresenta una rara opportunità. Tuttavia, l'“altrove” continua a far parte di un futuro ideale che prevede la possibilità di raggiungere ancora l'Europa da ricco commerciante o da turista. La libertà di movimento rimane il parametro di riferimento per valutare il successo individuale. Infine, dal punto di vista emico, il più grande capitale su cui sia i viaggiatori sia i migranti di ritorno possono contare è la volontà di Dio e la propria fortuna, strumenti culturali per affrontare l'effetto locale di una contemporaneità globale che distribuisce a tutti nuovi orizzonti di senso e promesse di felicità pur continuando a limitarne le possibilità per la loro realizzazione.
(2022). SAMBA YANO ARTI The unsuccessful returns from the Central Mediterranean Route in Velingara (Senegal). (Tesi di dottorato, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2022).
SAMBA YANO ARTI The unsuccessful returns from the Central Mediterranean Route in Velingara (Senegal)
MASI, GABRIELE MARIA
2022
Abstract
The unsuccessful homecoming from the Central Mediterranean route has marked a pivotal point in the life of thousands of people in the last 10 years. According to this event, the lives of individuals and their family network have reorganized their trajectories, hopes, and daily choices. Analysing this phenomenon from the angle of the department of Velingara (Senegal), return appears as a process that unfolds over time. Terms as "reintegration" or "reinsertion" often hide a fundamental consideration: the travellers of the backway (locally also called laawol ley) keep on being an integral part of the local context through different forms of communication, money transfer and the collective effort to mystically and financially sustain their journey. Amongst the Fulɓe Fulakunda, coming back is about dealing with a change in one’s social position, reactivating necessary social connections, rebuilding both personal or professional relationships, keeping an expected attitude of hersa. Return is lived through inherited cultural perspectives: the set of moral values and rules of conduct of the ancient noble class (ndimaaku); the necessary fatigue (tampere) of the social life (wondagol) and the desire to free oneself from it (heɓtaare); the Islamic religious norms and mystical threatens (bau) trigged by the envy and the desire to lower the level of the social competition; the perception of a "delay" in their life trajectory also caused by the material signs of the success of the others (houses, vehicles, new clothes, etc...). Return migrants’ retrospectives offer us an image of the backway as a world where the most basic rules of social life fail, leaving room for exhausting physical and psychological endurance. As a period of constant anxiety, alertness and fear, the backway remains as a habitus and a way of being in the world which goes beyond the temporal boundaries of the adventure. Narrating is primarily a moral laboratory through which the subject makes sense of an intense and hard experience, as the laawol ley is. Unsuccessful return migrants are stuck in between. Their travel was not just about a modern rite of passage to adulthood, it was a way to claim their right to full membership in the global society. And they still maintain the same claim now that they are back. For most of the unsuccessful return migrants, having travelled the backway means having seen and experienced the world outside, knowing something more, having had the chance to observe reality from another perspective. The laawol ley is described as “a school of life” that have taught them how to measure up to the world. Return migrants often face the same social, economic and moral conditions that led them to depart. Their reintegration happens within the perimeter of the local society of getting by where the possibility of being funded represents a rare chance. Nevertheless, the “elsewhere” keeps on being part of an ideal future that foresees the possibility of still reaching Europe as a rich trader or a tourist. Freedom of movement remains the benchmark to evaluate individual success. From an emic perspective, the greatest capital that both adventurers and empty-handed return migrants can count on is God's will and one's luck, as cultural tools to face the local effect of a global contemporaneity which distributes the meaning and the promises of happiness to all while keeping on limiting the material possibilities to do so.File | Dimensione | Formato | |
---|---|---|---|
phd_unimib_810382.pdf
accesso aperto
Descrizione: Tesi di Masi Gabriele Maria - 810382
Tipologia di allegato:
Doctoral thesis
Dimensione
6.01 MB
Formato
Adobe PDF
|
6.01 MB | Adobe PDF | Visualizza/Apri |
I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.